Showing posts with label ICTSD. Show all posts
Showing posts with label ICTSD. Show all posts

Monday, February 11, 2013

What did the candidates say?

The race for the DG's position at the WTO is formally underway with the presentation and press conference made by the potential candidates in January 2013. The nominees currently vying for the WTO’s top post are Alan Kyerematen of Ghana; Anabel González of Costa Rica; Mari Elka Pangestu of Indonesia; Tim Groser of New Zealand; Amina Mohamed of Kenya; Ahmad Thougan Hindawi of Jordan; Herminio Blanco of Mexico; Taeho Bark of Korea; and Roberto Carvalho de Azevêdo of Brazil. The WTO had a webcast of the press conferences here. Sofia Alicia Balino makes a succinct analysis of the positions taken by the 9 candidates on various issues here.

Some underlying themes expressed in the press conferences of the candidates were:

1. A belief in the multilateral institution and the faith that it can be relevant to the issues facing international trade

2. The need to address the issues stalling the Doha round of trade negotiations and to confront them with heterodox and innovative solutions

3. Ensure Bali leads to a positive outcome with successful results (mini-deals), which can be extended to the Doha round

4.Recognize the need for the WTO to grapple with 21st century trade issues in order not to lose its relevance

5. Ensure that the other functions of the WTO, including monitoring of trade agreements and dispute settlement are performed more effectively

6.They were candid enough to suggest that they did not have all the answers to the impasse but were optimistic of finding a solution 


The coming months will see more debate and hope for the multilateral institution's strength of being a "member-driven" organization with the candidates having to convince member countries about their candidacy. To what extent the selection would be based on credentials and realities of political economy is another debate!

Hat tip to Pradeep Mehta, CUTS for bringing my attention to Sofia's piece.




Monday, January 28, 2013

Dispute settlement and developing countries - How does one engage?

WTO disputes have been a recurring theme of this blog. The dispute settlement mechanism is considered as the crown jewel of the WTO system bringing credibility, predictability and certainty to the system with focus on a rule-based resolution of disputes rather the a power-based system.

A dispute in the WTO can only be brought forth by a member government. The State is the only party before a dispute resolution process even though the interests of private businesses are impacted. For example, in the case of the Airbus and Boeing case at the WTO though the affected parties are large, private aircraft manufacturers, the parties to the dispute are the European Union and the U.S.

Disputes at the WTO require sufficient preparation, competence and thorough groundwork before it is launched. An ICTSD paper titled "Where do WTO cases come from?" highlights the importance of preparation and assessment of cases in the context of the complexity and sensitivity of the issue involved.
"In short, undertaking a WTO dispute requires a significant commitment of nearly full time personnel, which can be a real challenge for WTO Member governments. Some governments, such as the US and EU participate in so many disputes that they can rationally hire a very large staff of in-house WTO litigators, but even these two countries struggle when local industry does not contribute legal support for a case. A comprehensive and detailed assessment of a case done early on in the process somewhat alleviates the work during the very busy litigation proceedings."
The paper notes that loss or impact on market access is one of the primary reasons for WTO litigation by member countries, usually on behalf of their private business interests. WTO litigation is all about preparation and competence involved of experts preparing the case.Many countries engage outside counsel for their cases. Private industry is also expected to contribute to the expenses of the case. Brazil, amongst developing countries, has been at the forefront of engaging with the dispute settlement system to further its national agenda.
"An example of a mechanism in a developing country that is in part similar to USTR’s cooperation with outside counsel but very different with respect to the funding and accessibility of WTO litigation is Brazil. A small office of highly sophisticated WTO experts in the Foreign Ministry, many with experience in Brazil’s mission to the WTO in Geneva, manages the cases. However, cases are usually brought only if the local industry agrees to pay for outside counsel to help.The outside counsel may provide research and submission drafting support but the office in Itamaraty remains in charge. The difference between both models of litigation management became clearly visible in the Brazilian Cotton Case, where unlike the Brazilian counterpart, the US cotton industry did not pay for a large legal support effort. Consequently, USTR was outnumbered by the Brazilian officials as well as US lawyers and US academics all working on the side of Brazil.The US might have lost the case even with more resources, the example underlines the ability of some developing countries to use the WTO dispute settlement process on an equal (or better) footing with larger WTO Members."
The paper discusses the considerations involved in a legal and economic assessment of WTO disputes before they are initiated. It gives a detailed account of the need for expertise, assessment and recommends how disputes must be handled by member countries, especially developing countries, at the dispute settlement process at the WTO. It stresses on pre-litigation legal, economic and strategic assessment of disputes before initiation of a trade dispute at the WTO. The importance of creating in-house WTO expertise is often cited as a pre-requisite to a succesful engagement with the multilateral trading system. The paper, inter alia recommends:
"Create in-house WTO expertise. Most, although not all, developing countries have a mission in Geneva with people assigned to the WTO. Monitoring the daily functioning of the WTO, with its numerous committee meetings, as well as observing litigation as a third party, should be part of the mission’s responsibility. And equally important, delegates who have served in those roles in Geneva should remain involved with WTO issues when they are posted back home. Often, there are bureaucratic obstacles – such as if the mission is part of the foreign ministry – to keeping people on WTO assignments, but a conscious attempt should be made to track people who have served in the mission to the WTO and recapture them from time to time in their career so the expertise is not lost. In addition, many developing countries have students in programs such as the World Trade Institute at the University of Berne or at universities such as Georgetown University Law Center, Columbia Law, National University of Singapore, Cambridge and Geneva and many others. Many of those students would be very valuable as interns in a country’s mission to the WTO in Geneva, or working in related offices in the capitols. Efforts could be made to seek those people out, or at least welcome them when they apply."
How many developing and underdeveloped countries can undertake this exercise of competency building? While facing WTO disputes against developed countries one is confronted with highly qualified legal experts from law firms with years of experience. How does a developing country counter this? Countries increasingly rely on the same set of international law firms to fight their cases. This is one of the dealings with the issue. Another way is to systematically develop internal expertise, engage legal academics within the country and ensure that a local talent pool is nurtured and developed with sufficient expertise to assist the government in WTO cases.This would require long term strategic planning and involvement of a large number of stakeholders. It is, perhaps, the only way to engage with the multilateral legal system.







Monday, January 14, 2013

Renewable energy support programs - Need for a new law?

Came across this recent paper titled "Governing Clean Energy Subsidies: What, Why, and How Legal?" on renewable energy programs and WTO law which was very similar to the analysis I had made in my paper.Tracing the various forms of support renewable energy programs get across the world and the rising tensions it causes in trade relations especially related to compatibility with WTO law, the authors have recommended some steps to address the issue:    


"Recommendation 1: International institutions with rules governing trade, energy flows and climate change need greater coordination.
A new framework for trade rules on clean energy subsidies could consider not only the adverse and non-adverse impacts on other countries, but also the purpose of the measure: energy access, boosting clean energy generation capacity, building a domestic manufacturing base, or expanding export potential. If subsidies were used, for instance, for extending grid connections to RE sources (whether project developers are domestic or foreign firms), they should not be challenged. Again, if subsidies were offered to acquire intellectual property for emerging clean energy technologies, no adverse impact is caused even as a country is able to expand its clean energy generation capacity. Currently, however, such exceptions are not explicitly permitted under WTO rules, and until these issues are resolved, such policies might continue to attract trade disputes. Therefore, there might be a case for clarifying rules for sustainable energy under future trade-related initiatives for sustainable energy, including possibly a separate agreement – a Sustainable Energy Trade Agreement (SETA) – that could set out key principles for what would be permissible subsidies, especially if they are for non-mercantilist purposes like increasing clean energy generation capacity or offering energy access.
Recommendation 2: Common metrics to count subsidies can help to increase transparency.
Unless clean energy subsidies are measured in a transparent manner, there could be greater danger of misinterpretation and potentially more trade disputes arising. Use governmental, intergovernmental (United Nations Sustainable Energy for All initiative) and non-governmental sources of information on clean energy subsidies but standardise them to enable inter-country comparisons.
Recommendation 3: The relationship between rationalising fossil-fuel subsidy programmes and the use of subsidies to promote clean energy sources should be further investigated.
The G-20 could be an ideal forum to undertake analysis and discuss this relationship.
Recommendation 4: Establish the purpose of government support.
Currently, no forum exists where governments can discuss their reasoning for clean energy support programmes.
Recommendation 5: Meanwhile, independent assessments of alleged adverse impacts of subsidy policies could reduce the threat of unilateral trade sanctions or other penalties.
These assessments could occur through WTO Trade Policy Reviews, at the Committee on Regional Trade Agreements, or the United Nations Industrial Development Organization. Such assessments could also examine the impact of subsidies in promoting clean energy research, development, deployment and commercialization." 
Experts have called for a new international legal framework for renewable energy within the WTO. WIll the rise in trade disputes in the renewable energy sector, the decision in the Canada Feed-in tariff case and growing importance of renewable energy in the energy mix of several countries force members to the negotiating table? Or with the Doha round faltering, is this too much to ask?


Hat tip to R.V.Anuradha for alerting me on this one!



Saturday, December 1, 2012

Managing Trade Disputes - A workshop

Attended a very informative and engaging workshop on Managing Trade Disputes in the context of developing countries organized by ACWL, Centre for WTO Studies and ICTSD yesterday. The discussion focused on the strategies developing countries need to adopt to more effectively engage in the dispute settlement mechanism of the WTO. Varied opinions and enlightening discussion followed. A lot of interesting aspects of the DSU were discussed.

Thought provoking interventions by Miguel Mendoza, Marie Wilkie, Ambassador Narayanan, Cherise Valles, Fernando Pierola, Mukesh Bhatnagar, Valerie Hughes, Siddartha Rajagopal, Moushmi Joshi, Anthony Abad, Won-Mog Choi, Manab Majumdar, Vinita Johnson, Shashank Priya and Shailja Singh.

Gratitude to Abhijit Das for having given me an opportunity to participate.